The former US vice-president Dick Cheney, who died at age 84, was regarded as one of the most powerful holders of the vice-presidency in the nation's history. Although many VPs had to settle for minor or symbolic positions, Cheney held enormous power during the presidency of George W Bush, so much so that he was often described as the "real president".
Bush resented such a characterisation and said the dynamic was more nuanced. He noted that Cheney was respectful, consistently addressing him in official appearances as Mr President, while he addressed him as Dick. Bush disputed even descriptions of their relationship as a partnership because it implied that they were equals. Despite such protestations, Cheney considered the laidback president pliable on a broad range of administrative determinations.
A Period Following the Attacks
In charge of a contingent of neo-conservatives that featured defence secretary Donald Rumsfeld and assistant defense secretary Paul Wolfowitz, he vigorously promoted the armed incursion of Iraq in 2003 in response to the September 11th attacks on New York and Washington. During of the 9/11 strike, Bush had been taking part in a session at a educational institution in Florida. Whereas Bush made his way to a underground facility in Nebraska, Cheney took charge, ordering the destruction of any unresponsive planes nearing the US Capitol.
Cheney stated the attacks transformed him, causing him to be focused on retribution. Along with other neo-cons, like Rumsfeld and Wolfowitz, he campaigned for a takeover of Afghanistan in an attempt to capture Osama bin Laden. Cheney then vigorously pushed for the military action of Iraq, even though there was no evidence of Saddam Hussein having involvement.
Controversial Decisions
He expressed no regrets about the invasion, in which an reckoned 100,000 Iraqis lost their lives, and not about the harsh treatment of suspects captured after 9/11. He told CNN in 2015 that the Iraq invasion, which was founded on faulty reports echoed by Cheney, was the proper decision. "It proved to be the correct action to do then. I believed it then and I hold that view today."
But even then, there were dissenting voices at a top tier about the botched execution of Iraq. One of the government's own special envoys to the area, General Anthony Zinni (2001-03), was dismissed from the role. "I witnessed, as a baseline," he subsequently stated "obvious failure, carelessness, and unaccountability: in the worst case, falsehoods, unfitness, and graft."
Broader Context
Cheney was not completely to blame for the Iraq invasion. Even before 9/11, Wolfowitz had called for similar measures. He had composed a memorandum outlining situations in which American interests might be compromised (encompassing "access to vital raw materials, mainly Persian Gulf oil"). Wolfowitz had argued that "the US should be postured to act independently when joint efforts cannot be orchestrated," particularly citing military moves against Iraq.
Bush also had entered the Oval Office somewhat determined on carrying out what his parent had specifically avoided to do in 1991; overthrow Saddam. After he had been dismissed by the White House, the finance chief Paul O'Neill recounted how, at the initial gathering of the National Security Council in January 2001, Bush had declared his objective of lowering America's engagement in the Middle East dispute and suggested armed intervention against Iraq.
Bush bore a personal grudge against Saddam, thinking he had been responsible for a conspiracy to assassinate his parent, President George HW Bush, on a visit to Kuwait in 1993. He also disliked that one of the most prominent accommodations in Baghdad had a ground design with a image of his father's face that each person had to tread upon.
Interrogation Methods
Yet it was Cheney who was part of the most outspoken advocating invading Iraq, repeatedly citing information documents that were both insubstantial or completely inaccurate. He supported what the Bush government politely called as "intensive questioning", the use of interrogation method and physical pressure.
Addressing a Senate report in 2014 that found that no actionable intelligence had been obtained through the harsh techniques, Cheney disregarded the conclusions as "riddled with crap". He stated to Fox News: "We requested [the CIA] to take steps and establish initiatives to capture the perpetrators who killed 3,000 of us on 9/11 and guarantee it would not recur. That was specifically what they did and they merit a lot of credit."
External Perception
Cheney enjoyed labels imposed on him by opponents such as the Star Wars villain and The Prince of Darkness, and by the concept that he was a sinister influence manipulating Bush. In Peter Baker's 2013 publication about the duo, Days of Fire: Bush and Cheney in the White House, Cheney is reported as stating: "Am I the malevolent mastermind in the background that nobody ever sees leave his domain? It's a nice way to operate, in fact."
Business Interests
Dispute over his corporate affiliations followed him during his tenure as second-in-command. Although he had limited background in business but good contacts in defence, notably in Saudi Arabia, he was offered a position at Halliburton, one of the world's biggest petroleum companies, in 1995 as leader and chief executive.
In 2000 he became Bush's election partner for the presidency. Controversially, during the Iraq war, Halliburton was granted US agreements worth substantial sums.
It significantly boosted his finances. His yearly earnings during his time at the company increased from his previous salary when he was military head to $4.4m. When he left in 2000 he had a severance arrangement worth more than $20m|twenty
